About RFT

What is RFT?

There is a strong empirical and conceptual relationship between language and derived stimulus relations. An empirical relationship does not indicate that derived stimulus relations depend upon language or that such relations are mediated by language. When two dependent variables are correlated, one conservative strategy is to determine whether both variables are reflective of the same basic underlying psychological process. If the two areas do overlap at the level of behavioral process, then questions about human language may also be questions about derived stimulus relations, and vice versa.

This is the basic theoretical and empirical research strategy of RFT. The overarching aim of this behavioral research has been to integrate a range of apparently diverse psychological phenomena including, for example, stimulus equivalence, naming, understanding, analogy, metaphor, and rule-following.

Relational Frame Theory adopts the view that the core defining element in all of these, and many other inherently verbal activities, is arbitrarily applicable relational responding, and moreover that such responding is amenable to a learning or operant analysis.

RFT treats relational responding as a generalized operant, and thus appeals to a history of multiple-exemplar training. Specific types of relational responding, termed relational frames, are defined in terms of the three properties of mutual and combinatorial entailment, and the transformation of functions. Relational frames are arbitrarily applicable, but are typically not necessarily arbitrarily applied in the natural language context.

Mutual entailment refers to the derived bidirectionality of some stimulus relations, and as such it is a generic term for the concept of "symmetry" in stimulus equivalence. "Mutual entailment" applies if stimulus A is related to another stimulus B in a specific context, and as a result a relation between B and A is entailed in that context. Combinatorial entailment refers to instances in which two or more relations that have acquired the property of mutual entailment mutually combine. Combinatorial entailment is the generic term for what is called "transitivity" and "equivalence" in stimulus equivalence. Combinatorial entailment applies when, in a given context, A is related to B and B is related to C, and then in that context a relation is entailed between A and C and another between C and A. For example, if A is bigger than B, and B is bigger than C, then a bigger-than relation is entailed between A and C, and a smaller-than relation is entailed between C and A. A transformation of stimulus functions applies when functions of one event in a relational network is altered based on the functions of another event in the network and the derived relation between them. Mutual and combinatorial entailment are regulated by contextual cues (C rel). The transformation of stimulus functions are regulated by additional contextual cues (C func).

The development of relational responding can be organized into a rough list that gradually becomes more and more complex. We are not presenting this list as a set of stages or steps, and we would expect them to be sequenced only in broad terms and even then only if the training history is typical. Nevertheless, this list gives a sense of the complexity that emerges from the small set of core concepts in Relational Frame Theory.

  1. Contextually controlled mutual entailment in equivalence
  2. Contextually controlled combinatorial entailment in equivalence
  3. Contextually controlled transfer of stimulus functions through equivalence relations
  4. Integration of these response components into a functional response class: a frame of coordination
  5. Simple examples of verbal understanding
  6. Contextually controlled mutual entailment in additional types of stimulus relations
  7. Contextually controlled combinatorial entailment in additional types of stimulus relations
  8. Contextually controlled transformation of stimulus functions in additional types of stimulus relations
  9. Integration of these into additional relational frames
  10. Simple examples of genuinely verbal governance of behavior by others
  11. Conditional contextual control over the participation of given elements in relational frames
  12. The development of relational networks
  13. More complex examples of verbal understanding
  14. Verbal governance of the behavior of others (e.g., verbal mands and tacts)
  15. Transformation of stimulus functions across relational networks
  16. Increasing number and complexity of relational frames
  17. Increasing acquisition of specific participants in specific relational frames (e.g., vocabulary)
  18. Complex interactions between relations (training in one influences development of another)
  19. Integration of related types of relational frames into families of relational responses
  20. Elaborated and increasingly subtle contextual control over relational responding (e.g., syntax; number of relational terms)
  21. Elaborated and increasingly subtle contextual control over transformation of stimulus functions (e.g., number and specificity of functional terms)
  22. Nonarbitrary properties serve as a relational context for arbitrarily applicable relational responses
  23. Increasingly complex relational networks
  24. With acquisition of equivalence, time or causality, and evaluation, the development of relational sentences that function fully as rules
  25. Relating relational networks
  26. Transformation of stimulus functions based on the relating of relational networks
  27. Relating relational networks under the control of nonarbitrary properties of the environment
  28. More complex examples of rule understanding and rule-governance, particularly pliance and tracking
  29. Regulation of the behavior of the listener through the establishment of relational networks in the listener
  30. With the acquisition of hierarchical class membership, use of relational networks to abstract nonarbitrary properties and to have these properties participate in relational frames
  31. Abstracting properties of the nonarbitrary environment based on relational networks and the relating of relational networks
  32. With the acquisition of temporal, contingency, and causal relational frames, increased insensitivity to temporal delays
  33. Development of deictic relational frames
  34. Development of perspective-taking and sense of self
  35. Construction of the verbal other
  36. Construction of the conceptualized group
  37. Contextual control of relational responding by the nonarbitrary and arbitrary properties of the listener
  38. Further development of rule-following, particularly augmenting
  39. Regulation of the behavior of the listener by orienting the listener to abstracted features of the environment
  40. Acquisition of increasingly abstract verbal consequences
  41. Self-rule generation and self rule-following
  42. Pragmatic verbal analysis and increasingly complex forms of problem solving and reasoning
  43. Increasing dominance of the verbal functions of the environment

The foregoing provides a summary of the key features of RFT. The key concept that underlies Relational Frame Theory is extremely simple—try to think of relating per se as learned behavior. As the list above shows, however, applying this simple idea leads to many specific points—the nature of an arbitrarily applicable relational response, the role of context, the varieties of relational responses, the role of the nonarbitrary environment, networks of relations, the use of these abilities to solve problems, the development of self, and so on.

Advantages of RFT

Advantages of the RFT Approach to Human Language and Cognition

There are many different theories—in many different disciplines—that attempt to explain or account for human language and cognition. With so many different theories available, what is unique or special about Relational Frame Theory?

We believe the functional, contextualistic approach of RFT to understanding complex human behavior has led to a system of analysis that offers many advantages over the traditional structural and “information transmission” models of language and cognition (Blackledge, 2003). These advantages include:

  • RFT is parsimonious, relying on relatively few basic principles and concepts to account for language and cognition.

  • RFT is precise, allowing the study of human language to be conducted in accordance with the carefully-specified definitions of its component processes.
  • RFT has broad scope, providing plausible explanations and new empirical approaches to a wide variety of complex human behaviors in both basic and applied domains (such as problem solving, metaphors, self, spirituality, values, rule-governed behavior, psychopathology, etc.).
  • RFT has depth, meaning that its analyses cohere with established treatments at other levels of analysis. For example, it provides plausible accounts of cultural phenomena such as knowledge amplification; recent neurological research indicates that the brain processes seen while subjects engage in derived relational responding fit with the RFT language claim; and connectionist models of the learning history needed to establish relational frames coheres with RFT.
  • The principles of RFT are directly observable, especially under laboratory conditions, so no tenuous inferences about the existence of unseen structures or processes (such as cognitive schemas or language acquisition devices) are required.
  • RFT is firmly based on empirical research that has without exception supported its tenets. In addition to the over 30 published empirical treatments of RFT, the theory also accounts for the data observed in hundreds of empirical studies on the concept of stimulus equivalence that have been published since 1971. RFT has withstood all empirical tests so far, and all of its core claims now have at least some supportive data. So far, no data has arisen in contradiction to the theory.
  • RFT has direct applied and clinical applications that are not apparent in other accounts of human language and cognition. There are nearly 30 successful empirical studies on applied methods based on RFT (particularly Acceptance and Commitment Therapy, but including other methods as well, such as methods of attitude change, or the treatment of stigma and prejudice) and many clear applied implications yet to be pursued.
  • RFT is generative. The account leads quickly to innovative and (so far) empirically successful approaches to virtually all of the important topics in the language and cognition domain.
  • RFT is testable. Its core claim (that relating can be thought of as learned, operant behavior) is an empirical matter. If relational frames do not develop, come under contextual control, respond to shaping via multiple exemplar training, and respond to consequences, then the theory is false. Further, its claim that relational frames are the core of human language is testable both directly and pragmatically. For example, if RFT does not lead to more successful education interventions than those that currently exist, then it fails. (see section on research evidence).
  • RFT is progressive. RFT supports what is within the "protective belt" of the behavioral paradigm and yet is generative in the sense described above (see Lakatos for this approach to progressivity). RFT is a behavioral theory that builds on everything that is known about basic behavioral principles, but takes this basic account into a fundamentally new direction with profound and exciting implications for almost every topic relating to complex human behavior. Yet it does so without any patchwork corrections to the basic assumptions of the behavioral paradigm.
  • RFT is coherent. Its philosophical basis is well articulated; its assumptions are clearly stated; its concepts are carefully defined; and all of these levels fit together.

RFT Study Group for Beginners

This is a place for people who are perhaps not behaviourally trained to learn RFT. We are primarily a group of clinicians and others who have been drawn to RFT through our exposure to ACT. Together, with each other's help, we are walking through the RFT book chapter by chapter and discussing both our understandings and our struggles. Please join in if you like.

Beginning June 2006, our plan is to read one chapter a month, commenting on it as we go. We are particularly open to people who may know more than we do. So if you read something here that seems as if we're barking up the wrong conceptual tree, please, don't hold back. For those who are participating, let's try to remember that the only stupid question is the one not asked.

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RFT Book Summary & Discussion

This section is for individuals to offer their summaries, questions, and comments about the RFT book.

Chapter 1

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1.3.1 Rule governed behaviour

What's hardest for me in all of this is learning the language. It's very precise, and not intuitive for me. Okay, enough whining.
Questions:

1. Autoclitic frames?
Autoclitic: a unit of verbal behaviour that depends on other verbal behaviour for its occurrence and that modifies the effects of that behaviour on the listener. (Catania)
Ex:if-then?
So in Skinner's quote on pg 15 he's pointing to relational framing as a behaviour without explicitly delineating it?

2. Language hypothesis-the idea that differences between instructed and uninstructed performances could be accounted for by human language.
...the behaviour is verbal in Skinner's approach because a specially conditioned listener mediates reinforcement of this behaviour. (p.16)
I'm still struggling with this. So, for Skinner, if a tree falls in the forest and no one hears it, it doesn't make a sound?
Another question: For Skinner, can the listener and the speaker be the same person?

How can listening not be verbal? "The role of the listener in any verbal episode was thus "not necessarily verbal in any special sense.""
I think I understand the unworkability of this definition, I just want to understand Skinner's conceptualization.
Please don't tell me I have to read Verbal Behaviour.

I'm not quite understanding Skinner's dilemma regarding a functional definition of "specifying". He cannot refer to reference. I understand that, but am not getting the inability to refer to verbal behaviour. Is this why? "(Skinner)did not distinguish between verbal rules and regularities observed in other complex antecedents." p17

thanks
Joanne

questions on 1.1.3 and 1.2.1

Okay, help. Can someone give me a real life example that will help me distinguish a mand from a tact?
Tact: A verbal operant in which a response (from the person emitting the operant or from the environment) of a given form is evoked.. by a particular object or event or property of an event of an oject or event."

There is an excellent summary of the core ideas of Verbal Behavior in Kohlenberg and Tsai's 1991 FAP Book. The whole of chapter 3 is about these issues and is very interesting as is the whole book. I copy a few lines from it since they tell it much better than I could :

A tact is defined as a verbal response that is under the precise control of discriminative stimuli, and that is reinforced by generalized secondary reinforcers. For example, if you are shown a red ball and asked, "What is this?" and you say "A red ball," you would be tacting because the form of your response ("red ball") is controlled by the object and is reinforced by a conditioned generalized reinforcer such as "uh-huh," "right" or "thank you," or any of hundreds of reactions that indicate you were understood. Notice that the contingency or reinforcer is borad and general, whereas the prior discriminative stimulus (Sd) is specific. The tact is thus brought about by the presence of a particular stimulus (e.g., a red ball) and an audience (the therapist or parent). Tacts, in this sense, are similar to the notion of labels or names ( p.54)

1.1.3 Skinner's Approach p9
Mand: A verbal operant in which the response, (whose? the person emitting the operant or the environment?) is reinforced by a characteristic consequence and is therefore under the functional control of relevant conditions of deprivation or aversive stimulation.

Stil from the FAP book : Mands are the speech involved in demands, commands, requests, and questions. A mand is behavior with the following characteristics: (1) it occurs because it was followed by a particular reinforcer, (2) its strength varies with the relevant deprivation or aversive stimulation, and (3) it appears under a very broad range of discriminative stimuli. Thus, if you were to say, "I would like some water" because you were thirsty, this would be a mand because it would be reinforced by a very specific reinforcer - someone hearing you and giving you water or showing you were to get some. Your "I want some water" response would not be reinforced by a generalized secondary reinforcer such as someone saying "That's right," or "Thanks for sharing that with me," or "I understand what you said". It's strength would also vary with how water deprived you were. Your mand for water can occur in almost any setting where you are thirsty and there is another person who can hear you. (p.56)

1.2.1 The definition of verbal behavior is not functional.p12

I'm not sure I understand this sentence in the last PP on the page
The behavior is not superstitious: the contingency is non arbitrary and is produced by the rat's behaviour.

Hope this is correct behavioralese : If you give arbitrary reinforcement to a pigeon, the frequency of the behavior closely preceding the reinforcement (it could be odd !) will rise. Thus, the probability that this particular behavior will occur short before the next instance of arbitrary reinforcement will rise, so it will be reinforced again and so on. As a final result, the pigeon will in the end emit this particular behavior with a high frequency, although the behavior in itself has no effect whatsoever on the reinforcing contingency. Which is not the case in the described example : As I understand it, by pressing the lever, the rat slightly shakes the feedbag and as a result, every five presses in average, a food pellet is jarred loose. This reinforcement is not arbitrary and is produced by the rat's behavior.

Here's another one on p13.
...Leighland cited Skinners ...theorising that the restricted contingencies required for abstraction ( a highly precise form of stimulus control) could only arise from an extensive history of social mediation.
The whole next paragraph just compounds the murk.

I find it difficult too. Maybe the important thing is to understand the critic made to Skinner's VB : Making appeal to the history of the listener in order to understand the behavior of the speaker is said to be a «conceptual error» making the design of fruitful experimental strategies extraordinarily difficult.

Okay enough for now. My mind is acting up.
Joanne

So does mine
Philippe

Chapter 2

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C func equation, page 33

I have read and reread (and reread again!) chapter 2 over the past month, and find it much denser even than chapter 1. The concept I get hung up on over and over is the notion of arbitrary applicability (AA). While I know that AA is defined as a relationship that depends on social whim or consensus instead of formal characteristics of the stimulus, I think I’m missing the implications.

If we look at the equation for Cfunc as expressed on page 33, there’s a sentence that follows that says: “[w]e can say it this way: given arbitrarily applicable stimulus relations between A, B, and C, and given a context that actualizes the transformation of a given function of A, the functions of B and C will be modified in terms of the underlying relations between A, B, and C.”

I’d like to substitute examples for “A, B, and C”—could someone tell me if I’m on the right track with this?
An example of an actualizing context would be people talking to each other, having a conversation.
In that context, A might be a banana (the fruit itself, not the word).
One person could say, “Have you ever noticed how her nose [B, in my example?] looks like a banana [the oral word for the fruit, C in my example?]?”
Now, this comparison relies on both people’s previous experience with bananas. If the person responded “What’s a banana?” the first person would have to whip out a banana, or at least a picture of a banana, for purposes of comparison.
If this is right so far, one question would be, does one of the 3 items in the relation have to be something with material existence, not “just” a word? I think the answer to this is “no” because what if my characters were talking about something abstract?

So . . .
One person might say, “Love [A] is blind [B].”
Would C in this example be the quality of not being sighted, of blindness?
I’m getting tangled up here. Help!

Pg 30 mutual entailment and transformation / transfer of stimulus function

On page 30, first full paragraph, there is a description of a natural language event--someone names a ball to a child. It's being used to illustrate mutual entailment. But it seems that the last sentence "the r response in other words, will involve responding to the sound "ball" in terms of the previously experienced functions of actual balls." So that seems to be a description of the transfer of stimulus functions.

Is transfer of stimulus function a more precise term than transformation of stimulus function.
Is transfer of stimulus function a subset of transformation of stimulus function that applies with frames of coordination or is it a different thing altogether?
Joanne Steinwachs
Leslie Telfer

Some questions

Hi all,

Here are some questions I have after reading chapter 2.

1. In paragraph 2.1.1 (page 22/24) is explained what overarching purely functional operants are. Could one say that 'avoidance' is an overarching purely functional operant?

2. Does anyone know what 'self-discrimination functions' are? They are mentioned on page 32 in a paragraph about tranformation of stimulusfunctions (2.2.3)as an example of stimulusfunctions that have been shown to transfer.
As a whole, I still find the concept of stimulusfunctions very difficult to grasp. What I find especially difficult is to find good examples and to specify stimulusfunctions that are involved when looking at a real life example. Anyone who can help out here with examples?

3. In paragraph 2.4 families of relational frames are summed up (page 35-39). If I get it right the phrase: 'snakes are dangerous' means NOT that the snakes are in a relation of coordination, which should be understood as equivalence, but in a relation of hierarchie, like the phrase: John is an man. Snakes are a part of dangerous stuff. Is this right?

4. Am I right that stimulusfunctions can be relata?

Jacqueline

Chapter 3

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Chapter 4

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Chapter 5

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Chapter 6

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Chapter 7

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Chapter 8

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Chapter 9

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Chapter 10

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Chapter 11

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Chapter 12

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Chapter 13

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Other Helpful Readings

Hi all,
I suggest that we use this page to post other readings so people don't have to dig through posts to find them. If it's not too much trouble, when you come across something, please post it here as well as in your original post. I'm thinking that all that we post here will be read by newcomers to ACT/RFT and I'd like to make it as easy as possible for them. It would also be useful if you'd give a few sentences on why you found it useful and what you found it useful for.

So far we've got:
Kohlenberg and Tsai (1991)
Blackledge articles, (probably found on website) Sandra? Do you know where?
Hayes, Get Out of Your Mind and Into Your Life
Hayes et al, Practical Guide to ACT
The RFT tutorial

Any others?

Thanks,
Joanne

Learning BA to understand RFT

Hi all,
For those of us who aren't behaviourally trained, I've been working through this Resources in Behavior Analysis page from the Cambridge Center. It's wonderful:

http://www.behavior.org/behavior/index.cfm?page=http%3A//www.behavior.org/behavior/behavior_analysis_resources.cfm

It's on the website, but I thought I'd put it here. The Skinner program on BA is helping me a lot with basic terminology.
Joanne Steinwachs